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dc.contributor.authorSteiner, Richard C
dc.date.accessioned2018-06-25T17:30:44Z
dc.date.available2018-06-25T17:30:44Z
dc.date.issued1974-03-25
dc.identifier.citationSteiner, Richard C. On the origin of the Heder-Hadar alternation in Hebrew. Afroasiatic Linguistics 3/5 (September 1976): 2-4.en_US
dc.identifier.issn1877-6930
dc.identifier.urihttps://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12202/55
dc.description"This paper is part of the Proceedings of the Second North-American Conference on Semitic Linguistics. Santa Barbara, California March 25-26, 1974en_US
dc.description.abstractThe heder-hadar alternation is limited to nouns with final resonant, because resonants are particularly prone to acquisition of syllabicity, which, in turn, often leads to epenthesis. The construct forms of such nouns underwent epenthesis earlier than their absolute co-allomorphs -- early enough, in fact, to be affected by the well-known Hebrew stress-shift -- because they lost their case-endings earlier. The original epenthetic vowel was lowered to a by Philippi's law. The retention of e in havel is due to overlapping of Philippi's law and stress-shift.en_US
dc.language.isoen_USen_US
dc.publisherMonographic Journals of the Near East / Afroasiatic Linguisticsen_US
dc.rightsAttribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 United States*
dc.rights.urihttp://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/us/*
dc.subjectheder-hadaren_US
dc.subjectlinguisticsen_US
dc.titleOn the origin of the Heder-Hadar alternation in Hebrew.en_US
dc.typeArticleen_US


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